I agree that fluctuations in both perceived value and actual value happen.
I didn't refer to fluxuations; I referred to effecting a change of context to increase value. One can profit by changing from one stable context to another. And I advisedly wrote “much of real-world
profit results from
changing the context”, not something ambiguous such as “much of real-world profit results from a changing context” or “much of real-world profit results from a change of context”.
In fact, technocracy (socialistic or otherwise) destroys value by mistaking it for an inherent property of goods and services, and changing the context in ways that move those goods and services from contexts in which they have higher value to contexts in which they have lower value.
when a company's profits go up by 20%, how often do the workers see their wages go up by 20%? How often do you see the people who build the factories receive residuals when that happens? It's pretty obvious somebody's getting fleeced here.
No, it isn't. Laboring didn't cause that 20% increase, and, likewise, when profits go down by 20%, laboring didn't cause that either. The investor absorbs both profit and loss because he or she has gambled his resources.
"Sinking resources" and "cost" under a capitalist perspective, maybe.
From an objective perspective. You don't get the factors of production without cost; and most laborers chose to be paid in immediately consumable benefits rather than in shares of ownership.
Who invests their time and labor into building the machines that make up the means of production? Workers. Who invests their time and labor into working those machines to create value? Also workers.
They typically don't
invest for spans longer than the span between paychecks; so their share of
profit is accordingly tiny. Workers who
do invest, choosing to be paid some share in stock, get a greater share of profit.
the money invested by the capitalist could be considered the fruits of their labor,
You're begging the question by arguing as if a labor theory of value must be true, and the only question is of who does what labor. The labor theory isn't even
coherent when push comes to shove. (Marx tried to salvage things by punting to the
socially necessary quantity of labor, but that quantity is determined by the price of labor relative to that of substitutable inputs!) People value based upon usefulness to their purposes; labor does not magically maintain a fixed relationship to the usefulness of other commodities.
people can be born with money
Here you're pushing aside the economic theory of profit.
Yes, people can be born with money. To the extent that you own something, you can give it away to friends or relatives. When you give money to a friend or to a child, I don't think "Oh, that's so unfair!" And I don't carp that some people do better in the genetic lottery either; the good fortune of some people doesn't magically indebt them to others.
Now, continuing your abandonment of your original claim about surplus value, you write
capitalists reap the rewards of things they didn't pay into all the time.
More generally, we live in a system in which people such as you insist that the state should forceably take-over much activity, and then you insist that accepting benefits from the imposed monopolies creates obligations. The state is an institution of
violence, you are embracing the morality of the protection racket.
Then you offer two fantasies:
So capitalists benefit from a robust, government-funded healthcare system.
So capitalists benefit from high-quality, government-funded education.
You don't even present these as hypothetic; you write as if these things exist. They don't. But, with each failure, people like you call for more.
Some places have governments build homes, then sell them to capitalists to recoup the costs. Which capitalists then use to rent out to people.
Still not a defense of your theory of profit. What we have is the state implicitly
subsidizing economic activity (in this case, rental home construction), a bit of socialistic intrusion into the market. Not a good idea in the first place.
A company is of good quality and earns enough to make up their costs.
You're still looking to explain value in terms of cost (with surplus value being expropriated costs-to-workers); value is explained by marginal use.
Someone comes along and buys up that company, and starts cutting costs and charging customers more to earn more profits, making the service worse for both the workers and the consumers.
That strategy only works if the company was originally allocating resources in ways that were not Pareto optimal.
That's what capitalism is in its most distilled form — rent seeking.
You are using the term “rent-seeking” with no understanding of what it means.
Someone buying something up at a flat price, and consistently collecting money for its usage despite putting in a fraction of the work done, if any.
An
economic rent is
not some profit that you imagine as unfair based upon labor-effort. An
economic rent is a benefit above-and-beyond what would be received in the market for the
next most rewarding use. Those seeking the greatest economic rents are the self-identified socialists, followed by the economic populists; they seek economics rents through the violent power of the state. Of course, they get
conned by folk such as Mao, Hitler, Clinton, and Trump, who get economic rents by conning rent-seekers.
But what do I know, I'm not an economist. If anyone reading this is interested in hearing from an Economics PhD who spent his whole life studying Marx,
here's a video. It's a 2-hour lecture, but it's jam-packed with easily digestible information, so you can jump to any point in it and learn something.
I suggest not embracing the Marxian religion, founded on the idea that some great geniuses can
prophetically see a deeper reality. Instead, get a book walking you through the way that market prices arise from the diffuse decisions of people attempting to make the best use of their options. A typical introductory microeconomics text will be pretty good, except for its implicit or explicit reliance upon an assumption that preferences are complete and therefore correspond to a
measure.